| The Global Spread of Active Nonviolenceby Richard Deats
 In the last century Victor Hugo wrote, "An invasion of armies can 
        be resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." Looking back over 
        the twentieth century, especially since the movements Gandhi and King 
        led, we see the growing influence and impact of nonviolence all over the 
        world.
 Mohandas Gandhi pioneered in developing the philosophy and practice of 
        nonviolence. On the vast sub-continent of India, he led a colonial people 
        to freedom through satyagraha or soul force, defeating what was at the 
        time the greatest empire on earth, the British Raj. Not long after Gandhi's 
        death, Martin Luther King, Jr. found in the Mahatma's philosophy the key 
        he was searching for to move individualistic religion to a socially dynamic 
        religious philosophy that propelled the civil rights movement into a nonviolent 
        revolution that changed the course of U.S. history.
 
 The Gandhian and Kingian movements have provided a seed bed for social 
        ferment and revolutionary change across the planet, providing a mighty 
        impetus for human and ecological transformation. Many, perhaps most, still 
        do not recognize the significance of this development and persist in thinking 
        that in the final analysis it is lethal force, or the threat of it, that 
        is the decisive arbiter of human affairs. Why else would the United States 
        continue to pour hundreds of billions into weapons even as non-military 
        foreign aid is cut, United Nations dues are not paid for years, and U.S. 
        armed forces are sent abroad on peacekeeping missions without being given 
        the kind of training that would creatively prepare them for the work of 
        peace?
 
 Public awareness of the nonviolent breakthroughs that have been occurring 
        is still quite minimal. This alternative paradigm to the ancient belief 
        in marching armies and bloody warfare has made great headway "on 
        the ground" but it is still little understood and scarcely found 
        in our history books or in the media.
 
 While "nonviolence is as old as the hills," as Gandhi said, 
        it is in our century in which the philosophy and practice of nonviolence 
        have grasped the human imagination. In an amazing and unexpected manner, 
        as individuals, groups, and movements have developed creative, life-affirming 
        ways to resolve conflict, overcome oppression, establish justice, protect 
        the earth, and build democracy.
 
 More and more, active nonviolence is taking the center stage in the struggle 
        for liberation among oppressed peoples across the world. This is an alternative 
        history, one that most people are scarcely aware of. What follows, in 
        necessarily broad strokes, are some of the highlights of this alternative 
        history.
 THE PHILIPPINES
 In l986 millions of unarmed Filipinos surprised the world by nonviolently 
        overthrowing the brutal dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, who was known 
        at the time as "the Hitler of Southeast Asia." The movement 
        they called "people power" demonstrated in an astounding way 
        the power of active nonviolence.
  
 Beginning with the assassination in l983 of the popular opposition leader, 
        Senator Benigno Aquino, the movement against Marcos grew rapidly. Inspired 
        by Aquino's strong advocacy of nonviolence, the people were opened to 
        the realization that armed rebellion was not the only way to overthrow 
        a dictator. Numerous workshops in active nonviolence, especially in the 
        churches, helped build a solid core of activists - including many key 
        leaders - ready for a showdown with the dictatorship.
 
 In late l985, when Marcos called a snap election, the divided opposition 
        united behind Corazon Aquino, the widow of the slain senator. Despite 
        fraud, intimidation and violence employed by Marcos, the Aquino forces 
        brilliantly used a nonviolent strategy with marches, petitions, trained 
        poll watchers and an independent polling commission. When Marcos tried 
        to steal the election and thwart the people's will, the country came to 
        the brink of civil war. Cardinal Sin, head of the Catholic Church in the 
        islands, went on the radio and called the country to prayer and nonviolent 
        resistance; he instructed the contemplative orders of nuns to pray and 
        fast for the country's deliverance from tyranny. Thirty computer operators 
        tabulating the election results, at risk to their very lives, walked out 
        when they saw Marcos being falsely reported as winning. After first going 
        into hiding, they called on the international press and publicly denounced 
        the official counting, exposing the fraud to the world. Corazon ("Cory") 
        Aquino called for a nonviolent struggle of rallies, vigils and civil disobedience 
        to undermine the fraudulent claim of Marcos that he had won the election.
 Church leaders fully backed her call; in fact, the Catholic bishops made 
        a historic decision to call upon the people to nonviolently oppose the 
        Marcos government. Crucial defections from the government by two key leaders 
        and a few hundred troops became the occasion for hundreds of thousands 
        of unarmed Filipinos to pour into the streets of Manila to protect the 
        defectors and demand the resignation of the discredited government. They 
        gathered along the circumferential highway around Manila which ran alongside 
        the camps where the rebel troops had gathered. The highway, Epifanio de 
        los Santos - the Epiphany of the Saints! -was popularly referred to as 
        EDSA. Troops sent to attack the rebels were met by citizens massed in 
        the streets, singing and praying, telling on the soldiers to join them 
        in what has since been called the EDSA Revolution. Clandestine radio broadcasts 
        gave instructions in nonviolent resistance. When fighter planes were sent 
        to bomb the rebel camp, the pilots saw it surrounded by the people and 
        defected. A military man said, "This is something new. Soldiers are 
        supposed to protect the civilians. In this particular case, you have civilians 
        protecting the soldiers." Facing the collapse of his support, Marcos 
        and his family fled the country. The dictatorship fell in four days.
 
 Ending the dictatorship was only the first step in the long struggle for 
        freedom. Widespread poverty, unjust distribution of the land, and an unreformed 
        military remained, undercutting the completion of the revolution, Challenges 
        to the further development of an effective people power movement have 
        continued with a determined grass-roots movement working to transform 
        Philippine society.
 
 LATIN AMERICA
 
 The dictatorships that characterized Latin America in the 1980s were ended 
        for the most part by the unarmed power of the people. Consider Chile, 
        for example. The Chileans, who like the Filipinos suffered under a brutal 
        dictatorship, gained inspiration from the people power movement of the 
        Philippines as they built their own movement of nonviolent resistance 
        to General Pinochet. To describe their efforts, they used the powerful 
        image of drops of water wearing away the stone of oppression.
 
 In l986 leftist guerillas killed five bodyguards of Pinochet in an assassination 
        attempt on the general. In retaliation the military decided to take revenge 
        by arresting five critics of the regime. A human rights lawyer alerted 
        his neighbors to the danger of his being abducted and they made plans 
        to protect him. That night cars arrived in the early morning hours carrying 
        hooded men who tried to enter the house. Unable to break down reinforced 
        doors and locks, they tried the barred windows. The lawyer's family turned 
        on all the lights and banged pots and blew whistles, awakening the neighbors 
        who then did the same. The attackers, unexpectedly flustered by the prepared 
        and determined neighbors, fled the scene.
 
 Other groups carefully studied where the government tortured people and 
        then, after prayer and reflection, found ways to expose the evil. For 
        example, they would padlock themselves to iron railings near the targeted 
        building; others would proceed to such a site during rush hour, then unfurl 
        a banner saying, "Here they torture people." Sometimes they 
        would disappear into the crowd; on other occasions they would wait until 
        they were arrested.
 
 In October of l988, the government called on the people to vote "si" 
        or "no" on continued military rule. Despite widespread intimidation 
        against Pinochet's critics, the people were determined. Workshops were 
        held to help them overcome their fear and to work to influence the election. 
        Inspired and instructed by Filipino opposition to Marcos, voter registration 
        drives and the training of poll watchers proceeded all over the country. 
        The results exceeded their fondest expectations: 91% of all eligible voters 
        registered and the opposition won 54.7% of all votes cast. Afterwards 
        over a million people gathered in a Santiago park to celebrate their victory.
 
 In the late l980s throughout Latin America dictatorships fell like dominos, 
        not through armed uprisings but through the determination of unarmed people 
        - students, mothers, workers, religious groups - persisting in their witness 
        against oppression and injustice, even in the face of torture and death. 
        In Brazil such nonviolent efforts for justice were called firmeza permamente 
        - relentless persistence. Base communities in the Brazilian countryside, 
        for example, became organizing centers of the landless struggling to regain 
        their land. In Argentina "mothers of the disappeared" were unceasing 
        in their vigils and agitation for an accounting of the desaparacidos - 
        the disappeared - of the military regime. In Montevideo, a fast in the 
        tiny office of Serpaj (Service for Justice & Peace) brought to the 
        fore the first public opposition to Uruguay's rapacious junta and elicited 
        widespread sympathy that turned the tide toward democracy.
 
 HAITI
 
 Nowhere has the struggle for democracy been more difficult than in Haiti, 
        yet even there the people developed courageous and determined nonviolent 
        resistance against all odds. The people's movement is called lavalas, 
        the flood washing away oppression. Defying governmental prohibitions and 
        military abuse, the people demonstrated and marched and prayed. In l986, 
        Fr.Jean Bertrand Aristide was silenced by his religious order and directed 
        by the hierarchy to leave his parish and go to a church in a dangerous 
        area dominated by the military. However, students from his church in the 
        slums occupied the front rows of the national cathedral in Port-au-Prince. 
        Seven students fasted at the altar, persisting for six days until the 
        bishops backed down and allowed Aristide to continue working in his parish. 
        Then, in December l990, Aristide was elected to the presidency. Driven 
        from office and exiled abroad, he returned only after U.S. troops went 
        into Haiti.
 
 The long term building of a democratic society there faces enormous odds. 
        Even though the Haitian army has been abolished, a culture of violence 
        remains. It will require time and persistence and the strengthening of 
        the grassroots movement from which a civil society will emerge, as happened 
        in Costa Rica where the abolition of the army was part of a larger effort 
        to improve education, health care, work and living conditions. Costa Rica, 
        without a military, remained at peace during the 1980s while much of Central 
        America was in turmoil.
 
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